Showing posts with label Washington Events. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Washington Events. Show all posts

Wednesday, September 15, 2010

Mr. Internet, Tear Down That Wall!

The Aspen Institute held an event in Washington today entitled, "Digital Statecraft: Media, Broadcasting and the Internet as Instruments of Public Diplomacy in the Middle East." Elie Khoury, Chairman and CEO, Quantum Communications, a leading advertising and communications firm in the broader Middle East; and Chairman and CEO, M&C Saatchi, Middle East & North Africa made the trip from Beirut to discuss modern public diplomacy.

He led with a comparison of the Berlin Wall - a symbol of East-West divide for so many years - to today's East-West relations, though today's "East" is the Islamic world. On September 11, 2001, a wall of separation was erected that senselessly divides our species.

When talking about public diplomacy, we have to ask, are there enough tools to make it successful? Do these tools work with Islam? Do we have to wait another half century to see successful results? Does television reach enough people? Radio? The internet? Can Western media play a public diplomacy role?

Mr. Khoury said, "All can reach one, one can reach all."

Even with censorship, quality and pertinent information will eventually get to people thanks to new media. There are 65 million internet users in the MENA region despite the fact that only 1% of online content is in Arabic.

Khoury added that of all websites that are run in the Middle East, only 20% of them are related to Islam, contrary to what the West might think. He lamented that a few psychopaths (my word, not his) have hijacked Islam and use the Quran as a substitute for the Communist Manifesto. See, we all dream the "American dream," no matter what our nationality. You have to remember Americans come from everywhere else. Aside from a tiny minority, most human beings want control over their own destinies, a safe place to raise a family, and the freedom to pursue whatever makes them happy. But there is an imbalance in the world, between haves and have nots, and once when Adam Smith was the promise of having, then followed Marx, Lenin, and Nasr. Arab socialism failed the Arabs, and some have turned to radical Islam.

What we have here is a failure to communicate.

New media, social media, whatever you would like to call it, gives us this amazing, amazing opportunity to skip government run public diplomacy and have direct interaction with each other. Isn't it time we start talking TO each other rather than passively-aggressively complaining about each other?

Friday, July 16, 2010

Cyber Skeptic or Cyber Utopia? The Use of New Media in World Politics

Last week, the United States Institute of Peace hosted a live panel and webcast discussing the role of the new social media tools of cyberspace in contemporary political movements. Blogs and Bullets: Evaluating the Impact of New Media on Conflict focused mainly on last year’s Green Revolution response to the Iranian elections, but also discussed social media influence in Madagascar, Iraq, and the Southern Caucasus region. The panelists included American professionals and scholars of modern sociology and Middle Eastern studies, as well as bloggers from around the world. In a time where politically-minded Westerners praise modern internet-based social media techniques for spreading anti-authoritarian political dissent, the panelists highlighted its benefits while also calling attention to the disadvantages and negative uses of social media that often have been overlooked.

Alec Ross, the Senior Advisor for Innovation at the office of the Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, introduced the topic of last year’s attempted “Green Revolution” in Iran and how it came to be dubbed a “Twitter Revolution” by many Americans. Ross articulated a divide, however, between optimists and pessimists regarding exactly how strong a role Twitter actually had taken during this Revolution. There were examples of a high volume of Tweets from Iran and of high turnout in protests on the streets that did not necessarily match up. One may make the case that Twitter had a higher impact on American perception of Iranians than on the Iranian protest movement itself. Mark Lynch, the director of the Institute for Middle East Studies at George Washington University, supported this point by emphasizing the need to “look beyond coincidence. . . it is not a matter of Twitter on Tuesday, and overthrowing the government on Wednesday.” Although power and access to information have shown a strong relationship throughout history, Lynch argues that it is crucial to avoid allowing the Internet to replace actual, physical protesting. A modern protester cannot simply post a Tweet or a blog advocating a regime change and feel that the work is done. Additionally, this social media can be used for ill use, as Lynch sited Hezbollah’s use of email and anti-Israel video games. Panelist Ethan Zuckerman, a senior researcher at Harvard University’s Berkman Center for Internet and Society, stated that the Twitter use from Iran needed to be broken down and analyzed beyond simply the fact that it took place during the election protests. How many twitter uses were actually from Iran- dozens, or hundreds? Who were they? What were they actually saying? In fact, many of the Twitter users were actually posting in favor of Ahmadinejad. Lastly, who was talking to whom, and what were the relations between these people?

The international bloggers spoke from their own perspectives, revealing similar opinions. Analysis of social media often provides a skewed opinion and set of information when one is limited only to like-minded bloggers who speak English. Additionally, problems arise when one considers pro-regime blogging, monopolization of positions, and dissolution of the border between cyber war and real war. Golnaz Esfandiari, a blogger from Iran, agreed that the influence of Twitter was exaggerated, and a better way to access the actual thoughts of the Iranian youth was through Facebook. Panelist Onnik Krikorian of Armenia warned that “ . . .people get too excited about tools, they add everyone [too facebook], which is dangerous. Krikorian highlighted cyber “flame wars” between internet users of Armenia and Azerbaijan, in response to an audience contribution regarding similar internet hostility in the South Caucasus, between Georgia and Abkhazia. Jordanian panelist Naseem Tarawnah cited examples of social media’s negative use (extremist group Muslim Brotherhood using mobile devices to rapidly increase its followers) and its positive use (that this media, for what it’s worth, reveals what is already going on at the ground level). Mialy Andriamananjar of Madagascar mentioned that following the protests and unrest in her country, as the political situation underwent large-scale collapse, blog posts by individuals served to give warnings to civilians of local “danger zones” meant to be avoided.

Overall, the benefits of social media were not forgotten or discredited. The panelists warned, however, against disproportionately looking to Twitter, Facebook, and the blogosphere as the be-all, end-all path to freedom, and allowing internet communication replacing direct community involvement.

Written by Safadi USA intern Helen Burns

Wednesday, June 30, 2010

Obama administration to focus on internal, local reform versus external regime change.

Today, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace held a panel discussion of the progress made by the Obama Administration of addressing human rights in Arab countries. The panel, “Human Rights and Obama’s Policies in the Arab World,” demonstrated a consensus in favor of focusing on reform driven from within each nation versus external intervention and regime change, albeit revealing a disconnection between Washington and the Middle East regarding the effectiveness of government-based reforms.

The panelists each addressed human rights abuses that continue to occur in recent years, with a particular focus on Egypt and Yemen. The diverse audience was reminded of the recently arrested Egyptian bloggers, the police brutality against Khalid Said from an internet café, the torture of Egyptian woman Mona Thabet, the Kuwaiti man who was jailed for criticizing the Amir, and Yemen’s security challenges and lack of dialogue and equal opportunity. Secretary Michael Posner of the Human Rights bureau at the Department of State, highlighted the significance of joining the United Nations Human Rights Council, as it promotes a universal standard on human rights, and end to torture, and a commitment to helping societies from within. Additionally, Secretary Tamara Wittes of the Near Eastern Affairs bureau spoke of working with the Yemeni government to eliminate police brutality as well working with NGOs to develop a more meritocratic system less based on tribe and patronage and more based on the empowerment of local youth and adults.

Although the panelists from the region generally agreed with the long term goals of the Washington panelists, both Bahey el din Hassan of the Cairo Institute for Human Rights and Amal Basha of the Yemeni Embassy agreed that a large gap exists between what is written on paper in an agreement between the US and any Middle Eastern nation, and what actually occurs in reality. Firstly, the negative US contributions have taken a toll on credibility in the Middle East, even under the Obama administration. Hassan cited the current administration’s failure to investigate Israeli crimes in Gaza despite opposing continued Israeli settlements, and Basha mentioned American unconditional support to the Yemeni government in power. Both policies are examples that are perceived as negative by the resident population. Another point made by Basha was the fact that Yemen has five different institutions of “Security”, yet ongoing human rights violations and denial of the right of assembly have led citizens to feel less secure. Overall, the support for the Obama administration’s more locally-driven methods of engaging the people of the Arab world was unanimous, but skepticism remains regarding agreements made between governments.

Written by Safadi USA Intern Helen Burns

Thursday, June 17, 2010

Increasing the Effectiveness of U.S. Foreign Aid

The House Foreign Affairs Committee held a hearing last week entitled "Human Rights and Democracy Assistance: Increasing the Effectiveness of U.S. Foreign Aid."

Witnesses were:

Ms. Jennifer L. Windsor
Executive Director
Freedom House

Thomas Carothers, J.D.
Vice President for Studies
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

Elisa Massimino, J.D.
President and Chief Executive Officer
Human Rights First
[Press Release on the Hearing]

The Honorable Lorne W. Craner
President
International Republican Institute
(Former Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor)

The Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 separated military and non-military aid, unified existing aid efforts, and established USAID. The United States government is in the process of reviewing and rewriting the act to make foreign assistance more effective.

The United States foreign assistance program really began after World War II when the U.S. funded reconstruction projects in Europe and Asia. The aftermath of the war saw the creation of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. World War II ended 65 years ago, and foreign assistance programs and organizations have had a bumpy ride ever since, as most U.S. aid programs focused on fighting the spread of communism. The 1980s saw the creation of the National Endowment of Democracy and its four core institutes: National Democratic Institute, International Republican Institute, Center for International Private Enterprise, and Solidarity Center. NED and its core institutes focused on fighting communism in Eastern Europe and Latin America during the eighties. When the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed, there was much confusion in the foreign policy world, as no one knew what the future held. Francis Fukuyama even went as far as to proclaim the "end of history." Foreign assistance declined in importance in the nineties. September 11, 2001 changed that.

One of the major problems with the way foreign assistance is awarded - and this point was brought up by all of the panelists involved in the hearing - is that foreign governments, rather than people, have too much input into where foreign assistance goes. For example, President Obama’s engagement of the Mubarak regime in Egypt has not only alienated civil society activists who had received substantial amounts of democracy funding under the previous administration, but has resulted in the crackdown on, arrest of, and even murder of many of these activists. Governments that have well-organized lobbies, like the Jordanian government, receive more foreign assistance than those that do not. In the case of Lebanon, the factionalized nature of its political system adversely affects the country’s ability to lobby for funding and has kept US policymakers in the dark about what the country actually needs, causing these policymakers to focus almost exclusively on Hizbollah and Israel in any discussion that deals with Lebanon instead of on issues that could make a difference in the lives of the Lebanese people.

That guy who was President of the United States for eight years at the beginning of this century made democracy promotion a major part of his foreign policy, and civil society organizations across the globe reaped the benefits of increased funding. Now, civil society activists like Saad Eddin Ibrahim are criticizing the Obama administration for reducing funds for democracy promotion programs and giving control over foreign assistance funding to despots like Pharaoh Mubarak, who just renewed the Emergency Law. Saad points to elections in Iraq, Afghanistan, Palestine, Lebanon, Kuwait, Jordan, Yemen, Egypt and Mauritania that took place in 2005-2006 as evidence that democracy promotion programs work.

Despite the best efforts of individuals like Ziad Baroud and Ghassan Moukheiber and of civil society organizations like LADE, political reform in Lebanon has been virtually non-existent. Very few seats in the 2009 parliamentary elections or the 2010 municipal elections were truly contested campaigns. Since gaining independence from France in 1943, the Lebanese political system has been characterized by sectarian division and corruption despite many attempts at reform. Until the confessional system is abolished, and it does not appear that will happen any time soon, the political system will continue to be just a shadow of a genuine democracy.

This doesn't mean that funding for political reform programs in Lebanon should cease. However, the focus should be on grassroots programs like NDI's Citizen Lebanon, which will help grow a new generation of active citizens who understand that real democracy is based on merit and competition, not wasta and corruption.

Grassroots programs, not large funding packages to governments, are the way to genuine reform. It remains to be seen how any rewrite of the Foreign Assistance Act will change the way aid is dished out and how effective it will be. One thing is certain, though: without the input of actual civil society activists who are the beneficiaries of such assistance, foreign assistance programs will continue to have little sustainable impact.


Read Project on Middle East Democracy's notes on the hearing.

Wednesday, March 10, 2010

Lebanon: Is Real Reform Possible?

If you can't make it to this event, you can watch it by webcast here.

The Middle East Program of the Woodrow Wilson Center
and the Safadi Foundation USA


Present


Lebanon: Is Real Reform Possible?


with


MOHAMMAD A. SAFADI
Minister of Economy and Trade and Member of Parliament, Republic of Lebanon


Domestic reforms are critical to ensuring Lebanon’s long-term independence and sovereignty. Will the Lebanese government be able to strengthen the institutional framework that is required to expand economic opportunity and break down the clientelist structure of the Lebanese state? Minister Safadi will address the current situation on the ground and outline specific steps to move the reform process forward.



Wednesday, March 10, 2010
11:00 a.m. – 12:00 p.m.
6th Floor Flom Auditorium
Woodrow Wilson Center

_____________________________________________________________
Please RSVP to mep@wilsoncenter.org or fax 202-691-4184

Name and Title:

Affiliation:

E-mail:

Seating is limited. Seats are available on a first-come, first-served basis.
A photo ID is required for entry.

The Woodrow Wilson Center is located in the Ronald Reagan Building (Federal Triangle stop on Blue/Orange Line). Public parking is available underneath the Reagan Building; however we recommend metro or taxi. www.wilsoncenter.org/directions

Monday, March 8, 2010

Event Roundup

Safadi Foundation USA and Project on Middle East Democracy held an event entitled "The Role of New Media in Promoting Reform in the Middle East: The Case of Lebanon" last Friday. You can read about the event on POMED's blog here.

Thursday, February 25, 2010

POMED-Safadi Foundation USA Event

You're Invited: New Media and Reform in the Middle East: The Case of Lebanon

Safadi Foundation USA and the Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED) present:

New Media and Reform in the Middle East: The Case of Lebanon

The year 2009 witnessed an explosion of Internet-based activism in the political cultures of the Middle East. From the so-called Iranian "Twitter Revolution," which helped Green Movement activists mobilize and organize their protests on the streets of Tehran, to the recent imprisonment of prominent bloggers in Egypt and other countries, the Internet has finally become a force to be reckoned with in Arab politics.

The use of information and communication technology (ICT) in the Middle East has been a transformative tool in strengthening civil society and expanding the outreach of independent voices. In her remarks concerning Internet freedom last month, Secretary Clinton noted the power of the Internet and new technologies in helping to bridge divides between people of different faiths and help expand dialogue.

What types of U.S. assistance are needed to empower young reformers committed to non-sectarian politics? What is the role of ICT in promoting inter-faith dialogue and peace building? Can ICT help organize young voters in advance of the upcoming municipal elections? What is the direction of new media training in Lebanon?

Please join us for a discussion with:

Jared Cohen, Policy Planning Staff, U.S. Department of State

Elias Muhanna, Blogger, QifaNabki.com

Moderated by: Mona Yacoubian, Director, Lebanon Working Group, United States Institute of Peace (USIP)

Friday, March 5, 2010
11:00 AM
Rayburn House Office Building
Room 2255

Please RSVP here or by email to: rsvp@pomed.org

Safadi Foundation USA is a non-partisan registered 501 (c) (3) public charitable tax-exempt organization dedicated to promoting a national and strategic framework for Lebanon's development.

CONTACT: Lara Alameh of Safadi Foundation USA, +202-349-0890, lalameh@safadifoundationusa.org

Monday, December 14, 2009

The Beacon of Legislation

The Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED) here in Washington "is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization dedicated to examining how genuine democracies can develop in the Middle East and how the U.S. can best support that process. Through dialogue, research, and advocacy, [they] work to strengthen the constituency for U.S. policies that peacefully support democratic reform in the Middle East." You can read their blog here.

Each week, POMED produces a brief but really well-done newsletter of the week's happenings regarding democracy in the Middle East. Called "The Weekly Wire," the newsletter comes to those of us who have signed up for their mailing list. The Wire informs us of legislative actions taken by Congress as well as briefs about each country in the region. This week included some information about two interesting Congressional activities:
On Tuesday (12/8), H.R.2278, calling for the "President to transmit to Congress a report on anti-American incitement to violence in the Middle East," was passed under suspension of the rules in a vote of 395-3 and was referred to the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. The bill, originally introduced by Rep. Gus Bilirakis (R-FL) in May, focuses on Middle Eastern media outlets, including al-Manar, al-Aqsa, al-Zawra, that broadcast calls of violence against Americans and the United States and calls for a report in six months that lists anti-American media outlets and satellite companies that provide these channels. The bill also proposes that the U.S. should: designate satellite providers that knowingly contract with such entities as "Specially Designated Global Terrorists," evaluate levels of foreign assistance with reference to state-sponsorship of anti-American incitement to violence, and "urge all governments and private investors who own shares in satellite companies or otherwise influence decisions about satellite transmissions to oppose transmissions of [such] telecasts."

On Thursday (12/10), the House passed H.R.3228, the Consolidated Appropriations Act for Fiscal Year 2010, in a 221-202 vote. On Saturday (12/12), the Senate voted 60-35 on a cloture motion to end debate and bring the bill up for a vote. The bill was then passed by the Senate in a special session yesterday and sent to the President. Full details of the Conference Report for the bill are available on the website of the House Rules Committee, including the full text of Division F of the bill, the portion of the bill making appropriations for State and Foreign Operations, as well as the Joint Explanatory Statement that accompanies it. The bill includes a controversial provision that permits $50 million of the $250 million in Economic Support Funds (ESF) allocated for Egypt to be put into "an endowment to further the shared interests of the United States and Egypt." Such an endowment has been advocated for several years by the Egyptian government, and is widely viewed as an attempt to reduce the potential leverage by Congress afforded by U.S. economic aid to Egypt. Other levels of funding in the bill include $65 million for the Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI), which is a 30% increase over funding in recent years, but $5 million less than included in the House version of the State and Foreign Operations bill passed in July. For reference and comparison, see POMED's report on the budget and appropriations process from July, and keep an eye out for a brief report on the final version of the bill.
I'm one of those dorks who watches C-Span to see Congress in action, and while not as entertaining as a UK parliamentary session, they've been getting pretty good, what with all the props like babies and leis and all sorts of nonsensical nuttery. It's like a reality television show for the Informed, and it has the advantage of being real!

You'll probably notice that the first piece of legislation has implications for Lebanon with Al-Manar possibly being affected and all. Thoughts?

On another note, we are diligently working to ensure that Lebanese NGOs are able to take advantage of the MEPI funding. If your NGO has a good program idea related to the development and capacity building of civil society, pitch them to us. You can email me.

I encourage you to sign up for POMED's Weekly Wire.

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Wednesday, November 18, 2009

Pulling Torn Pictures of W out of Arab Trashcans

The Westerners who melded the Mayan religion with the writings of St. John the Divine and then turned it into what is apparently a horrific movie may have been right, because I’m quite certain what I heard at the National Endowment for Democracy at the conference on “Middle East Democrats and Their Vision for the Future” means the end of the world is coming.

An Arab said he wished George W. Bush would come back.

This wasn’t just any Arab, this was perhaps the most famous civil society activist in the entire Middle East North African chain of dictatorships pretending to be democracies, Saad Eddin Ibrahim, founder of the Ibn Khaldoun Center for Development Studies, former political prisoner in Egypt, Wallerstein Distinguished Visiting Scholar at Drew University, and generally all around hero for humanity.

Dr. Ibrahim was part of a panel discussing “What assistance can the international community provide?” I’m really taking his idea out of context. His point – and there were others who agreed – was that the Obama administration is very weak in its democracy promotion efforts and that the level of pressure on regimes to change is not there. It is not the first time he has criticized President Obama - his August editorial in the Wall Street Journal outlined his disillusionment.

The panel – which consisted of Tamara Cofman Wittes, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs; Daniel Brumberg, United States Institute of Peace; Scott Carpenter, Keston Family Fellow, Washington Institute for Near East Policy; Vidar Helgesen, Secretary-General of International IDEA; Dr. Aseel al-Awadhi, one of the four women members of the Kuwaiti Parliament; Musa Maaytah, Minister of Political Development in Jordan; and Nouzha Skalli, Minister of Social Development, Family, and Solidarity in Morocco – discussed the lack of pressure on Arab governments to reform, unlike during the Bush years, when even Pharaoh Mubarak relented a bit and held presidential elections (even if the elections themselves were a farce).

Cofman Wittes is a well-respected, academically-minded individual who up until her appointment was Senior Fellow and Director, Middle East Democracy and Development Project, Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution. Her CV is here. Her appointment means that she oversees the Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI). Daniel Brumberg has written a lot about liberalization and Arab reform. Vidar Helgesen talked about European approaches to foreign assistance and spoke of the need to stop being so condescending to those groups receiving aid.

The tone of the conversation changed when Scott Carpenter began to speak. Carpenter formerly held Mrs. Cofman Wittes’ post under the Bush administration. He told us that an Egyptian civil society activist said to him they were pulling their torn pictures of Bush out of the garbage and taping them back together. Dr. Ibrahim agreed.

The problem, they say, is that the Obama administration focuses on talking to regimes rather than people, that the level of pressure on regimes to reform just isn’t there, and it is affecting what civil society reformers can accomplish.

Is the criticism warranted? Well let’s see. You have a prominent civil society activist saying there was more done during the Bush years than there has been under Obama. You have an appointment to the head of USAID that takes ten months. You have NGOs on the ground waiting to see what direction the administration is going to go.

Yet.

Even during the twilight of the Bush years, the international community wondered if decades of foreign assistance to the Middle East North Africa region was all for naught. Nothing was changing, and regimes seemed to be getting stronger. In fact, the space created – a sort of Bizarro World kind of freedom – allowed just enough room for “Islamists” to have a voice that was loud enough for regimes to crack down on their people, claiming they were fighting terrorism. There was no political reform, no economic reform, just lip service spilling from the mouths of dictators (no matter how benign they were).

This was enough for the international community to begin asking itself how to change its approach to foreign aid. (In 2003, for example, Daniel Brumberg wrote Liberalization Versus Democracy: Understanding Arab Reform," Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Working Paper #37). Throwing money at groups intent on loosening the dictatorial reigns of the Arab World has resulted in…the dethroning of Pharaoh Mubarak? No. The election of someone other than Ben Ali in Tunisia? No. The House of Saud becoming the House of Someone Else? No. Bashar Assad giving a concession speech after hotly contested elections? No.

I was four years old when Pharaoh Mubarak came to power. Lebanon was trying to commit suicide then, and Yemen was split into a microcosm of the commie vs. democracy world order. Habib Bourguiba had been Presidictator of Tunisia for twenty years and lasted another ten before Ben Ali became Presidictator in a coup. An Assad was the Presidictator of Syria. Jordan was ruled by the current king’s dad. Morocco was ruled by the current king’s dad. Saudi was ruled by the current king’s brother or half brother or something like that.

No, change has not come to the Middle East despite all of my tax dollars being funneled there. No we can’t!

Finally, though, someone woke up and started to ask why nothing is different except there are more people willing to blow themselves up. The international community began to reconsider its strategy to “make the world a better place” and decided that bandaids are not appropriate when your arm has been cut off. More democracy people began to say, “Forget the dinosaurs, let’s help the kids!” and youth and community development programs started to receive attention. Foreign assistance programs began to focus on the future rather than choking on the present.

I think like so many other aspects of his presidency, Obama is a victim of history when it comes to strategies towards foreign assistance. Seems that everyone is asking why hasn’t this worked, why have we failed, what can we do differently. He’s jumped into a time of uncertainty and transformation even in the approach to foreign aid. There is a reason it took ten months to appoint someone as head of USAID, and it isn’t because Obama was chopping brush on a ranch in Texas.

And who can honestly say his public diplomacy approach to international relations is a bad idea? Do those civil society activists longing for a return to foreign assistance under the Bush years want the bombs that come with it? That’s part of the package – scare dictators with bombs just enough to allow for some space, isn't it?

Look, President Obama’s deliberate approach to everything is frustrating, especially in the Twitterverse we live in, when two seconds is too long a wait for so many people. It has been ten months, hardly enough time to solve all of the world’s problems. With the appointment of Rajiv Shah as head of USAID and Cofman Wittes to Deputy Assistant Secretary for Near Eastern Affairs, it looks like the approach to foreign assistance is coming around, that a new strategy focusing on the long-term is being shaped, rather than bandaid fixes to election and economic laws that have been applied for so long now.

Right now, I guess it’s just wait and see.

A History Lesson

The National Endowment for Democracy held a conference entitled “Middle Eastern Democrats and their Vision for the Future” with a full cast of high profile democracy types from across the Middle East and Washington.

Before reporting on the day’s acts, I must give a bit of a prologue regarding NED. Think what you will about democracy promotion, but please note that it has its roots in noble minds. There is a name for those who oppose human freedom – in English we call them tyrants.

The NED was established in 1983 by congressional mandate. While NED has its own programs, it has the greater responsibility of managing funding from Congress to its four core institutes – the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI), the International Republican Institute (IRI), the Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE), and the Solidarity Center. The activities of NDI and IRI are well-known – NDI is the Democratic Party’s political reform program and IRI is the Republican Party’s. CIPE is an affiliate of the United States Chamber of Commerce, and Solidarity Center is an affiliate of the American Federation of Labor – Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO).

Current NED and core institute programs in Lebanon include:

NED - You can find a list of NED projects in Lebanon here.

NDI - NDI is very active in Lebanon, helping the Civil Campaign for Electoral Reform and Lebanon Budget Project and groups like Lebanese Association for Democratic Elections, Development for People and Nature Association, Nahwa al-Muwatiniya, Lebanese Center for Policy Studies, and a coalition of seven civic organizations to implement Citizen Lebanon, a civic education and advocacy program taking place in 30 municipalities across the nation.

IRI - IRI does polling and political party development in Lebanon.

CIPE - Lebanese Anti-Bribery Network with Lebanese Transparency Association

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Each of these programs involves local Lebanese NGOs who seek to improve democracy in the country. These are hardworking folks who rise above politics and put the good of their country first. I’ve met many of them, and they all are inspiring human beings. There’s nothing cooler in the world than to watch democracy in action (real democracy involving real people doing real things for their country not involving bombs, religions, or egos).

What I’m getting at is that despite an occasional controversy and the persistent conspiracy theories regarding NED programs, NED really does have people at heart. Is there a national security element to democracy promotion? Of course. The old adage “democracies don’t fight other democracies” tells us that we are safer with more democracies in the world.

Quite honestly, if you meet staff of one of these organizations, you’ll come to find that they’re all a bunch of bleeding hearts intent on saving the world from its own mutually assured destruction.

I suppose I had to perform this narrative because I’ve often been confronted by anti-NED rhetoric and accusations that NED and its core institutes are a front for the CIA! (Can we say X-Files?) The bottom line is that NED and its core institutes do great work.

Up next: Part two of this NED event - a post about what actually transpired at the event.

Thursday, October 29, 2009

Lebanon and US relations - a brief brief

Yesterday the House Foreign Affairs Middle East and South Asia Subcommittee held a hearing with Assistant Secretary for Near East Affairs, Jeffrey Feltman.

Here is a short recap of the Lebanon focused parts:

• In Feltman’s opening statement he asserted United States commitment to Lebanese sovereignty.

• Chairman Gary Ackerman (a Democrat from New York) asked the following three questions: 1) In the two areas we are trying to improve relations with Syria mainly bilateral relations and Middle East peace, are we going to be willing to pay in Lebanese coins? 2) Is the Administration still committed to UNSCR 1701? And 3) Are we still supporting the tribunal?

• Feltman responded by saying the Administration is unequivocally not going to do anything at Lebanon’s expense. He said that UNSCR 1701 remains to be the foundation and basis of US policy to Lebanon and that yesterday’s incidents (rockets fired between Lebanon and Israel) show the need to reinvigorate implementation of this resolution. Regarding the tribunal, Feltman said that the US will support the work of the tribunal until their work is finished. He said that his tribunal is not a political one but to bring justice to those responsible.

• Feltman also said in the Q & A session that the United States needs to take Lebanese sensitivities into consideration when dealing with Palestinian refugees.

• Congressman Gerry Connolly (a Democrat from Virginia) asked Feltman about the situation in Lebanon and the cabinet formation process. Feltman responded by saying it is natural to be concerned that no government has been formed. There is a formula. We have seen this in the past where there is no government or no President. The unifying factor in these situations has been the Hizballah and Aoun alliance. The Lebanese need to come together to solve these problems as quickly as possible. Lebanon needs to be left to their own devices to do just that.

Full testimony can be found here.

Thanks to Qifa Nabki for the link.

Thursday, June 4, 2009

Evan's Corner: Analyzing Obama's Speech to the Muslim World

Mere hours after Barack Obama delivered an historic speech to the Muslim world from Cairo, the Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy (CSID) and the Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED) presented a panel discussion analyzing the speech. The panelists were a diverse group, representing a wide range of organizations, but each asked a similar question: will this unquestionably brilliant speech be backed up by changes in policy?

It is hard to deny the skill and knowledge evident in the president’s speech. Will Marshall (Progressive Policy Institute) called the speech “masterful,” and Geneive Abdo (The Century Foundation) agreed it was certainly “brilliant.” The president’s use of Koranic passages, as well as his references to the damaging legacy of colonialism illustrates his understanding of the region, and the concerns of its people. Rich Eisendorf (Freedom House) noted that no American politician has been able to project such a sense of respect and understanding since Jimmy Carter. The panelists concurred that the speech raised the level of dialogue, but also that this may prove problematic if the words are not coupled with political change.

Abdo referred to the president as “evasive” when it came to laying out specific policy goals. Obama said, “The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.” Abdo noted that while it is encouraging to have the president speak out against the expansion of settlements, he did not indicate what the US would do to force Israel’s hand. Radwan Masmoudi (CSID) echoed this argument, pointing out that the United States has been against expanding settlements for twenty years, but has yet to apply the necessary pressure to make settlements stop.

The panelists were skeptical of other aspects of the president’s speech as well. Obama stated he is committed to, “governments that reflect the will of the people.” However, Will Marshall argued that the United States has supported some of the more repressive governments in the Middle East, including Egypt and Saudi Arabia. There is no real indication that these relationships will change, particularly since the president chose to give his address from Cairo.

On countless subjects, the panelists agreed that the president spoke eloquently, but did not go far enough explaining how to implement political change. He talked about extremism, but did not address the American policies that foster such movements. He talked about development, but did not address lackluster trade policy between the West and the Middle East. No one argued against the power and beauty of Obama’s words. However, it is an open question whether or not those words will be backed up with political action, and these panelists aren’t holding their breath.